Social Worker Burnout Studied

Social Worker Burnout Studied Social Worker Burnout Studied(Fall 2003) AUTHOR-ABSTRACT:For the past 30 years, researchers and practitioners have been concerned about the impact of work stress experienced by social workers. Although research on burnout has been a useful field of exploration, a new concern has arisen about work stresses specifically associated with work with victims of trauma. The concept of vicarious trauma provides insights into the stresses of this particular kind of work. Like the burnout research, early research on vicarious trauma has identified both personal and organizational correlates. In this article, the authors review the growing literature on the organizational components of vicarious trauma and suggest changes in organizational culture, workload, group support, supervision, self-care, education, and work environment that may help prevent vicarious trauma in staff. BODY: WHETHER SHAPING PUBLIC POLICY or providing services to individuals, families, and communities, social workers are fully engaged with todays social problems. This difficult work can take an emotional and psychological toll on the worker (Davies, 1998; Gibson, McGrath, Reid, 1989). This stress comes not only from responding to people in pain and crisis; characteristics of the organization also contribute to the stress (Sze Ivker, 1986). This occupational stress has been examined primarily in terms of burnout (Maslach, 1993), but recent research in the field of trauma has identified stresses unique to that work. These stresses have been conceptualized as vicarious trauma (McCann Pearlman, 1990b; Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a, 1995b). To date, most research has focused on the individual characteristics thought to contribute to vicarious trauma. There has been less focus on the organizational structures that may contribute. In this article, we draw on the research on organizational correlates of burnout as a background for examining the research on vicarious trauma and then outline various organizational strategies suggested by practitioners working with trauma survivors to prevent vicarious trauma. This discussion is informed by a qualitative study of counselors working with victims of domestic violence (Bell, 1998, 1999) that suggested the importance of the work environment, among other issues, in the development of vicarious trauma. Quotations by counselors from that study will be used to illustrate the discussion. Organizational Correlates of Burnout Maslach (1993) described burnout as having three dimensions: (a) emotional exhaustion; (b) depersonalization, defined as a negative attitude towards clients, a personal detachment, or loss of ideals; and (c) reduced personal accomplishment and commitment to the profession. Burnout has been conceptualized as a process rather than a condition or state, and some have theorized that it progresses sequentially through each of these dimensions (Maslach, 1993). Maslach and others have examined the individual, interpersonal, and organizational characteristics that contribute to burnout. Of particular interest to this discussion is the finding that organizations can either promote job satisfaction or contribute to burnout (Soderfeldt, Soderfeldt, Warg, 1995). Unsupportive administration, lack of professional challenge, low salaries, and difficulties encountered in providing client services are predictive of higher burnout rates (Arches, 1991; Beck, 1987; Himle, Jayaratne, Thyness, 1986). In dividual staff members suffer, and the resulting loss of experienced staff can diminish the quality of client services (Arches, 1991). This research has helped identify organizational supports that could be effective in buffering or mediating burnout and point to workplace characteristics that may also prevent vicarious trauma. Vicarious Trauma Recently, the occupational stress of social workers working with trauma survivors has begun to receive attention (Cunningham, 1999; Dalton, 2001; Regehr Cadell, 1999). Some authors are beginning to suggest that trauma theory has important utility in understanding the burnout experience of social workers working in child protection and with HIV-infected populations (Horwitz, 1998; Wade, Beckerman, Stein, 1996). Many theorists have speculated that the emotional impact of this type of traumatic material is contagious and can be transmitted through the process of empathy (Figley, 1995; Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a; Stamm, 1995), as in this example from an experienced social worker talking about counseling women in a family service agency: Some times after a session, I will be traumatized.I will feel over whelmed, and I can remember a particular situation with a sexually abused person where II just didnt want to hear any more of her stories about what actually happened.She seemed to want to continue to tell me those over and over and I remember just feeling almost contaminated,like,you know,like I was abused. You know? And so I set limits withher a fter some super vision about that but tracked her in a different way.It hink it has an impact. Im just not sure of what(a squoted in Bell,1998) In the past 10 years, the emotional impact of working with trauma survivors has been examined under several constructs: compassion fatigue (Figley, 1995), secondary traumatic stress (Figley, 1993; Stamm, 1995), and vicarious trauma (McCann Pearlman, 1990b; Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a, 1995b). These constructs have been compared and debated (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a; Stamm, 1995), and a full discussion of them is outside the scope o f this article. The majority of the empirical studies in this area have used the vicarious trauma construct. For this reason, the term vicarious trauma will generally be used throughout this article unless another term has been used specifically in the research cited. Vicarious trauma has been defined as the transformation that occurs in the inner experience of the therapist [or worker] that comes about as a result of empathic engagement with clients trauma material (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a, p. 31). Vicarious trauma can result in physiological symptoms that resemble posttraumatic stress reactions, which may manifest themselves either in the form of intrusive symptoms, such as flashbacks, night-mares, and obsessive thoughts, or in the form of constrictive symptoms, such as numbing and disassociation (Beaton Murphy, 1995). It may also result in disruptions to important beliefs, called cognitive schemas, that individuals hold about themselves, other people, and the world (McCann Pearlman, 1990b; Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a, 1995b), as in the following example from a young worker in a battered womens shelter: I think you see the worst of people, working herethe worst of what people do to each other. And I think when you do nt have proper resource stop rocess that,to work through it, to underst and it or put it in some kind of context, it just leaves you feeling a little baffle dabout whats going on out there, and the way things work in the world and your role in all of that.(asquotedin Bell,1999,p.175) Although some of the numbing symptoms of vicarious trauma bear some resemblance to burnout and may in fact result in burnout over time, research on therapists has also begun to establish vicarious trauma as a distinct concept from burnout (Figley, 1995; Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a). Unlike the construct of burnout, the construct of vicarious trauma was developed from and is clinically grounded in trauma theory, specifically constructivist self-development theory (McCann Pearlman, 1990b). In several studies, burnout and general stress levels were not related to exposure to traumatized client s, whereas measures of trauma exposure and vicarious trauma were related (Kassam-Adams, 1995; Schauben Frazier, 1995). Thus, burnout alone does not appear to capture the effects of trauma as an occupational stressor. Although vicarious trauma may present with elements of emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment, it also has effects that are unique and specific to trauma work. Many professionals risk vicarious trauma through their contact with traumatized people or material that contains graphic images of trauma. Studies have indicated that approximately 38% of social workers experience moderate to high levels of secondary traumatic stress (Cornille Meyers, 1999; Dalton, 2001). In addition, emergency workers (Leseca, 1996; McCammon, Durham, Allison, Williamson, 1988; Wagner, Heinrichs, Ehlert, 1998), nurses (Joinson, 1992), police officers (Follette, Polusny, Milbeck, 1994), sexual assault counselors (Johnson Hunter, 1997; Regehr Cadell, 1999; Schauben Frazier, 1995), child protective service workers (Cornille Meyers, 1999), and trauma therapists (Chrestman, 1995; Follette et al., 1994; Kassam-Adams, 1995; Pearlman Mac Ian,1995) have all been documented as developing symptomology quite similar to acute and posttraumatic stress reactions as a result of their second-hand exposure to traumatic material. Recent studies of trauma therapists have begun to explore some of the factors involved in the development of vicarious trauma. Therapist exposure to traumatic client material has been found to be an important predictor for symptoms of traumatic stress and, in some cases, of disrupted beliefs about self and others. In a survey of 148 counselors, Schauben and Frazier (1995) found that those who worked with a higher percentage of sexual violence survivors reported more symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and greater disruptions in their beliefs about themselves and others than did counselors seeing fewer survivors. The researchers tied these symptoms of trauma counselors to a number of factors. Most commonly, counselors said that hearing the trauma story and experiencing the pain of survivors was emotionally draining. Second, many counselors felt that the counseling process was more difficult when working with trauma survivors, who tended to have more problems trusting and working in a therapeutic relationship than clients who were not traumatized. Finally, some counselors found the work more difficult because of the institutional barriers within the legal, and mental health systems that their clients were forced to navigate. Similar findings emerged when researchers compared the stress level of sexual assault counselors with that of counselors who worked with a more general client population (Johnson Hunter, 1997). Not only did sexual assault counselors show greater evidence of stress, but their work stress also contributed to personal relationship difficulties at home. The impact of the therapists own history of abuse on current report of vicarious trauma are unclear. Pearlman and MacIan (1995) reported significantly more vicarious trauma symptoms in 60% of the therapists they surveyed who reported a personal history of trauma. However, Schauben and Frazier (1995) found that counselors with a history of victimization were not more distressed by working with survivors than were counselors without such a history. Pearlman and Mac Ian found that therapists without a trauma history were more likely to report intrusive imagery than those with a history. Follette et al. (1994) found that mental health professionals with a significant history of childhood physical or sexual abuse did not experience significantly more negative responses to child sexual abuse survivor clients than those without such a history. They also reported significantly more positive coping strategies. However, the comparison group of law enforcement personnel with childhood abuse his tories who also worked with sexual abuse survivors showed significantly more distress than the mental health professionals. The researchers hypothesized that the use of personal therapy by 59.1% of the mental health professionals versus 15.6% of the law enforcement professionals may have accounted for the difference. Increased time spent with traumatized clients seems to increase the risk of stress reactions in mental health professionals (Chrestman, 1995; Pearlman Mac Ian, 1995). Furthermore, spending time in other work activities decreases the risk. Having a more diverse caseload with a greater variety of client problems and participating in research, education, and outreach also appear to mediate the effects of traumatic exposure. Age and experience are inversely correlated with the development of vicarious trauma. Younger and less experienced counselors exhibit the highest levels of distress (Arvay Uhlemann, 1996; Pearlman Mac Ian, 1995). They may have had less opportunity to integrate traumatic stories and experiences into their belief systems, as well as to develop effective coping strategies for dealing with the effects of vicarious trauma than have older and more experienced therapists (Neumann Gamble, 1995). Such was the case of this experienced counselor who worked with battered women in the court system: It hink for somebody who doesnt do this type of work it would be extreme lystressful, but after twelve years, Ive justIve handled so many cases and dealt with so many people, I know my limitation sand the courts limitations and I just dont get as worked up about each case as I used to.(as quoted in Bell, 1999,p.117) vicarious trauma can be considered a type of occupational hazard in settings where there are high levels of traumatized clients. As a result, organizations providing services to trauma victims have a practical and ethical responsibility to address this risk. Implications for Agency Administrative Response The primary focus of discussion about the prevention of vicarious trauma has been on the individual (for a good summary, see Yassen, 1995). However, as with burnout, the organizational context of trauma work has been discussed as a factor in the development of secondary trauma. Several authors have written about their own experiences in agencies that serve traumatized individuals. They have suggested both prevention and intervention strategies in the areas of organizational culture, workload, work environment, education, group support, supervision, and resources for self-care. Each of these will be discussed in turn below. Organizational Culture The values and culture of an organization set the expectations about the work. When the work includes contact with trauma, they also set the expectations about how workers will experience trauma and deal with it, both professionally and personally. Of primary concern is that organizations that serve trauma survivors, whether rape crisis centers, shelters for battered women, or programs that work with veterans, acknowledge the impact of trauma on the individual worker and the organization. As Rosenbloom, Pratt, and Pearlman (1995) wrote of their work at the Traumatic Stress Institute, We work together to develop an atmosphere in which it is considered inevitable to be affected by the work (p. 77). It is not uncommon for feelings and reactions generated by trauma to leave the social worker feeling ineffective, unskilled, and even powerless. An organizational culture that normalizes the effect of working with trauma survivors can provide a supportive environment for social workers to ad dress those effects in their own work and lives. It also gives permission for social workers to take care of themselves. Yassen (1995) provided an example of a potentially harmful norm that can frustrate workers attempts at self-care: In some settings, it may be assumed that if employees do not work overtime, they are not committed to their work, or that clinicians who do not take vacations are more committed to their work than are others (p. 201). A supportive organization is one that not only allows for vacations, but also creates opportunities for social workers to vary their caseload and work activities, take time off for illness, participate in continuing education, and make time for other self-care activities. Small agencies might signal their commitment to staff by making staff self-care a part of the mission statement, understanding that ultimately it does affect client care. Administrators might also monitor staff vacation time and encourage staff with too much accrued time to take time off. Self-care issues could be addressed in staff meetings, and opportunities for continuing education could be circulated to staff. In social work agencies, which typically operate with inadequate resources and relentless service demands, such commitments, regardless of how small, are not inconsequential. Workload Research has shown that having a more diverse caseload is associated with decreased vicarious trauma (Chrestman, 1995). Such diversity can help the social worker keep the traumatic material in perspective and prevent the formation of a traumatic worldview (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995a). Agencies could develop intake procedures that attempt to distribute clients among staff in a way that pays attention to the risk of vicarious trauma certain clients might present to workers. When possible, trauma cases should be distributed among a number of social workers who possess the necessary skills (Dutton Rubinstein, 1995; Regehr Cadell, 1999; Wade et al., 1996). In addition, social workers whose primary job is to provide direct services to traumatized people may benefit from opportunities to participate in social change activities (Regehr Cadell, 1999). Agencies that do not already provide such services might consider providing community education and outreach or working to influence policy. Such activities can provide a sense of hope and empowerment that can be energizing and can neutralize some of the negative effects of trauma work. Organizations can also maintain an attitude of respect (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995b, p. 170) for both clients and workers by acknowledging that work with trauma survivors often involves multiple, long-term services. Organizations that are proactive in developing or linking clients with adjunct servicessuch as self-help groups, experienced medical professionals for medication, in- and out-patient hospitalization, and resources for paying for these serviceswill support not only clients, but also decrease the workload of their staff (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995b). Developing collaborations between agencies that work with traumatized clients can provide material support and prevent a sense of isolation and frustration at having to go it alone. Work Environment A safe, comfortable, and private work environment is crucial for those social workers in settings that may expose them to violence (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995b; Yassen, 1995). Some work sites, such as shelters or agencies located in high-crime neighborhoods, are so dangerous that workers may actually experience primary trauma, rather than vicarious trauma. In a sample of 210 licensed social workers, Dalton (2001) found that 57.6% had been threatened by a client or member of a clients family, and 16.6% had been physically or sexually assaulted by a client or member of the clients family. Being threatened by a client or a member of a clients family was strongly correlated with compassion fatigue. Although it is more of a challenge in certain settings, protecting workers safety should be the primary concern of agency administration. Paying for security systems or security guards may be a necessary cost of doing business for some agencies that provide services to traumatized individuals. Failing that, agencies may consider developing a buddy system for coworkers so that if one worker is threatened by a client, another can summon the police. In addition to attention to basic safety, Pearlman and Saakvitne (1995b) have suggested that workers need to have personally meaningful items in their workplace. These can include pictures of their children or of places they have visited, scenes of nature or quotes that help them remember who they are and why they do this work. One hotline worker described her use of such an item: When itsare alintense call, I kind of hunch over the phone and kind of like focus here on my[computer screen]and I some times try to consciously tell my self to sit back and look at one of my pictures that I have up to remind me of happier times.(asquotedin Bell,1998) Agency administrators can encourage staff to make these small investments in their work environment. By placing inspiring posters or pictures of scenic environments (rather than agency rules and regulations) in the waiting rooms, staff meeting rooms, and break rooms, the organization can model the importance of the personal in the professional. In addition, workers also need places for rest at the job site, such as a break room that is separate from clients (Yassen, 1995). With a space such as this, the organization could address the self-care needs of staff by providing a coffee maker, soft music, and comfortable furniture. Education Trauma-specific education also diminishes the potential of vicarious trauma. Information can help individuals to name their experience and provide a framework for understanding and responding to it. Training settings, such as schools of social work, have a responsibility to provide this information to field interns entering placements where they will encounter trauma (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995b). Dalton (2001) found that social workers with masters degrees had lower levels of secondary traumatic stress compared with those with baccalaureate degrees. This difference suggests that the type of clinical training available in masters programs, such as information about client empowerment, self-care, and recognizing destructive behaviors, may be a missing but important part of training social workers in baccalaureate programs to prevent secondary stress and vicarious trauma. Efforts to educate staff about vicarious trauma can begin in the job interview (Urquiza, Wyatt, Goodlin-Jones, 1997). Agencies have a duty to warn applicants of the potential risks of trauma work and to assess new workers resilience (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995b). New employees can be educated about the risks and effects associated with trauma, as new and inexperienced workers are likely to experience the most impact (Chrestman, 1995; Neumann Gamble, 1995). Ongoing education about trauma theory and the effects of vicarious trauma can be included in staff training (Regehr Cadell, 1999; Urquiza et al., 1997) and discussed on an ongoing basis as part of staff meetings. Agencies can take advantage of the flourishing number of workshops on vicarious trauma at professional conferences in social work and other disciplines by sending a staff member for training and asking that worker to share what he or she has learned with the rest of the staff. This information provides a useful context a nd helps social workers to feel more competent and have more realistic expectations about what they can accomplish in their professional role. Preparation for a stressful event, when possible, protects individuals from the effect of stress (Chemtob et al., 1990). Learning new ways to address clients trauma may also help prevent vicarious trauma. Theories, such as constructivist self-development theory (McCann Pearlman, 1990a) on which the theory of vicarious trauma is based, maintain a dual focus between past traumas and the clients current strengths and resources. Working from a theoretical framework that acknowledges and enhances client strengths and focuses on solutions in the present can feel empowering for client and worker and reduce the risk of vicarious trauma. Group Support Both the burnout literature and the writings about vicarious trauma emphasize the importance of social support within the organization (Catherall, 1995; Munroe et al., 1995; Rosenbloom et al., 1995). Staff opportunities to debrief informally and process traumatic material with supervisors and peers are helpful (Horwitz, 1998; Regehr Cadell, 1999; Urquiza et al., 1997). Critical incident stress debriefing (Mitchell, 1983, as cited in Wollman, 1993) is a more formalized method for processing specific traumatic events but may be less helpful in managing repetitive or chronic traumatic material (Horwitz, 1998). Support can also take the form of coworkers help with paperwork or emergency backup. Time for social interaction between coworkers, such as celebrating birthdays or other events as well as organized team-building activities and staff retreats, can increase workers feeling of group cohesion and mutual support. Peer support groups may help because peers can often clarify colleagues insights, listen for and correct cognitive distortions, offer perspective/reframing, and relate to the emotional state of the social worker (Catherall, 1995). Group support can take a variety of forms, such as consultation, treatment teams, case conferences, or clinical seminars, and can be either peer led or professionally led. For example, shelter workers interviewed by Bell (1999) started a reading group and together read and discussed Pearlman and Saakvitnes (1995a) book, Trauma and the Therapist: Countertransference and Vicarious Traumatization in Psychotherapy With Incest Survivors. The group met after work on a regular basis. Group members learned about vicarious trauma and ways to deal with it in their own work and lives. The group cost the agency nothing, did not interfere with work, and provided an opportunity for workers to give each other much-needed support. Regardless of the form group support takes , Munroe et al. (1995) warned that it should be considered an adjunct to, not a substitute for, self-care or clinical supervision. There are some potential pitfalls of group support. One is the tendency toward groupthink and conformity (Munroe et al., 1995). Another is that members hearing about a coworkers distress may use distancing and victim-blaming as a defense mechanism. Peer groups and treatment teams also offer the opportunity for traumatic reenactments, such as splitting the group members into the roles of exploiter and exploited, that are so common in working with trauma survivors (Munroe et al., 1995). When groups are held within agencies, there is also the potential problem generated by conflicting roles in the group, such as a supervisor who is both supporter and evaluator or a coworker/supervisor who is also a friend. Finally, group members may be more rather than less traumatized by the necessity of hearing each others worst horror stories. Guzzino and Taxis (1995) have suggested a number of ways for members of such groups to talk about their experiences without further traumatizing group members through the use of psychodrama and art therapy. To further minimize the potential for problems in support groups, Catherall (1995) has suggested that group members discuss such a possibility before it happens and normalize the experience of vicarious trauma and its impact on the individual and the group. Supervision Effective supervision is an essential component of the prevention and healing of vicarious trauma. Responsible supervision creates a relationship in which the social worker feels safe in expressing fears, concerns, and inadequacies (Welfel, 1998). Organizations with a weekly group supervision format establish a venue in which traumatic material and the subsequent personal effect may be processed and normalized as part of the work of the organization. As one hotline worker said of the value of supervisory support in response to a stressful call: Its kind of like you have this big sack of rocks and every time you kind of tell someone about it you can, you know, give them a couple of your rocks and your sack gets lighter (as quoted in Bell, 1998). In addition to providing emotional support, supervisors can also teach staff about vicarious trauma in a way that is supportive, respectful, and sensitive to its effects (Pearlman Saakvitne, 1995b; Regehr Cadell, 1999; Rosenbloom et al., 1995; Urquiza et al., 1997). If at all possible, supervision and evaluation should be separate functions in an organization because a concern about evaluation might make a worker reluctant to bring up issues in his or her work with clients that might be signals of vicarious trauma. Dalton (2001) found that 9% of the variance in her study of social workers and secondary traumatic stress was related to supervision. Her results indicated that the number of times a worker received nonevaluative supervision and the number of hours of nonevaluative supervision were positively related to low levels of secondary traumatic stress. In situations where supervisors cannot separate the supervisory and evaluative functions, agency administrators might consider c ontracting with an outside consultant for trauma-specific supervision on either an individual or group basis. The cost of such preventive consultation might be well worth the cost savings that would result from decreased employee turnover or ineffectiveness as a result of vicarious trauma. Resources for Self-Care Agencies can make counseling resources available for all staff that interact with traumatic material (Regehr Cadell, 1999; Wade et al., 1996). If there are many employees encountering the same type of trauma in the agency or within the larger community, agencies may consider the feasibility of forming a peer support group, as discussed earlier. Workers also need health insurance that provides mental health coverage (Rosenbloom et al., 1995). Following is a quote from one young shelter worker who was seeing a therapist to deal with some of the challenges of her work: Its nice to be able to talk to an other professional person, It hink, who underst and salot of the crazy things that can happen working in as helter. It hink when you try to talk with your friends about it or family, they are horrified at some of the stories that you comeup with, so it help stoget feed back from an other professional who says, Oh,I know what youretalking about. Ive been there, and yes, that is very horrible.And mainly just to vent, just to be able to speak about it. To get it out, so it doesnt disrupt my life in other ways;in my sleep patterns or things like that.(asquotedin Bell,1998) Wade et al. (1996) also recommended that in addition to providing resources for therapy, organizations should provide opportunities for structured stress management and physical activities. Organizations with limited resources might consider exchanging training on areas of expertise with other agencies that have experts in stress management. Again, sending one staff member to a confere nce or workshop to learn stress management techniques and then asking that person to present what he or she learned to coworkers is a cost-effective way to circulate this information throughout an organization. Organizing something as simple as a walking or meditation group during the lunch hour or after work might also contribute to staff wellness at no cost. In summary, the physical and cultural environment of work may prevent or predispose social workers to vicarious trauma. Additional research is needed to understand how and to what degree social workers may be affected by the trauma they come into contact with in the workplace and which workplace variables are most salient. Furthermore, how vicarious trauma impacts the social workers relationship with clients is another fruitful area for study. Research that helps to clarify the relationship between vicarious trauma and burnout would also be useful in providing a clearer theoretical framework from which to make agency decisions. Conclusion Working with clients who have experienced traumatic events challenges many of the beliefs held in the dominant culture about justice and human cruelty. Being personally exposed to these realities can take a toll on social workers emotional resources and may effect their perceptions and worldviews in fundamental ways. Personal knowledge of oppre

Critical Analysis Of A Mental Health Service Social Work Essay

Critical Analysis Of A Mental Health Service Social Work Essay It is important to have a set service standards and programs that ensure provision of high quality services in our health service system so as to achieve health care that is of high standard and beneficial to the people. It is for this reason that in 1996, the government of Australia developed the National Standards for Mental Health Services (Fenna, 2001, p.80). Ensuring that the standards were fully implemented provided an important chance for the improvement of the value of mental health care. The standards were intended to be used as a guideline in order to develop new services in mental health care or to improve the existing mental services ensuring they attained to recommended quality standards (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 1997, p.68). Additionally, the consumers of mental health services or their carers can use these standards to have a clue on their expectations from the health service (Australian Council on Healthcare Standards, 1995, p.78). These standards were developed to meet the National Mental Health Policy that the Australian government had formulated in order to enhance the treatment and care of all the people who were suffering from any mental health problem (Althaus, Bridgman Davis, 2007, p.23). The standards lay a greater weight on the outcome of the patients with mental health problems and their carers in order to uphold their human rights and provide empowerment to them. The standards were set in agreement with the United Nationà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s Principles on the Protection of People with Mental Illness (Australian Health Ministers, 1991, p.67). Among these principles are as follows; encouragement of the people with mental disorders to attain the highest quality of life as compared with healthy individuals, the positive outcomes for the patients of mental illness and their carers was to be the center of attention for the standards and the recognition of all the perspectives of the patients, that is, their spiritual, emotional and physical needs. These standards have served to improve the quality of care to the consumers of mental health services (Rosen, Miller Parker, 1993, p.23). This essay critically analyses a mental health service on how well it meets the standards in their day to day activities. Mental health service CRS Australia is an organization whose presence is being felt in many communities in Australia. Presently, there is high competition for the limited job opportunities that our economy is able to support. This has led to a huge backlog of learned people in wait for job opportunities. Many college leavers are finding it quite difficult to secure that dream job that you have been anticipating for throughout your educational life (Meagher, 1995, p. 73). As a result, stress builds up and at times this has led to various mental disorders. CRS has come in place to provide a contact between the job seekers and the employers. It helps job seekers who may be having any disability or health conditions to acquire some job positions and also provide guidelines that ensure the job is maintained. The job seekers are guided to break any barriers they may encounter in finding employment. The organization also works together with employers in finding qualified candidates for the vacant posts in their workplaces. Also, they offer technical advice on the safety measures to be observed in the workplaces and give assistance in the management of any worker injured on duty. It offers its services to any person who has the will and is able to acquire guidance from it. For the job seekers it has over 170 offices distributed across Australia where any person can contact them and he/she will be offered with the appropriate guidelines on what to do and how to get that needed job. It has helped a lot of people who are full of praise for it. For the employers it offers a wide package including guiding them to select the qualified employers and offering expertise in areas like risk and hazard reduction to reduce work place injuries. This saves their institutions from the high compensation cha rges that they may be forced to pay the workers in case they get injured during the work service (Allan, Briskman, Pease, 2009, p.77). Any company is welcome to CRS to seek its services which are offered without discrimination. National Standards for Mental Health Services These standards are grouped into three sections where the first seven standards are concerned with issues that are accepted universally concerning human dignity, the human rights of the people with mental illness and their acceptance in our societies. The next three standards focus on the organizational structure of the mental health service with an emphasis on the connections existing between different departments of the mental health sector (United Nations General Assembly, 1992, p.12). Finally, the 11th standard illustrates the care delivery process beginning with initial contact with mental health services to their final contact. We now focus on the first and third standard in relation to CRS Australia to determine how well the organization has worked in meeting the standards. The first standard is concerned with protection of the rights of people who have mental disorders or mental health problems by the mental health services which they are offered (Commonwealth Department of Health Aged Care, 1997, p.16). Compliance with the legislations and all the regulations by the staff of mental health service to ensure the rights are upheld is of importance and therefore given the first consideration. Application of this standard ensures that the mentally disabled people are not discriminated against in being offered essential services so long as they are in a capacity to work efficiently (United Nations, 1991, p.56). CRS on its behalf is entitled in ensuring equal opportunities are offered to job seekers when accessing job opportunities. According to CRS Australia (2010, para. 2-4), 20% of the population have an exposure to a mental health problem during their life time. As an organization, CRS has experts staff that guides people in managing their mental health conditions in order for them to acquire a job or if they are in one maintain their positions. They have helped many people with mental health problems which are at often accompanied by various injuries some of which are physical and hence have caused a disability in them. With an inner understanding of the hard and tiring process of dealing with mental health problems, CRS has programs on disability management which are suited to job seekers. They work together to ensure that their clients are able to secure that job which they desire thus making it a reality for many job seekers who have mental problems a reality (Mendes, 2008, p.56). Once a person has acquired a job, there are sometimes psychological injuries that come as a result of the type of work that a person is doing. This result into work related stress which often cause low productivity by the employees, ever rising rates of absente eism or job absconding, bad relations between the staff and the employees in the work places among others (Swain, Rice, 2009, p.76). This causes a high employee turnover which is detrimental to an institutions reputation. CRS Australia has come in to solve these problems through its experienced psychologists, counselors and the social workers. The organization assesses the situation to find out the kind of assistance needed and determines the appropriate changes to be made in order to minimize the psychological problems or injuries. In addition, CRS do take into account the goals and ambitions of the people with mental disorders in relation to their jobs. They are able to offer private and confidential information to the consumers of their services concerning their rights and privileges in their work places so as to retain their jobs. This is offered in a language that is freely understood by the concerned parties. In any case a legislative action is sought to resolve any tussle the consumers and their carersà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢ written consent is freely sought (Myers, 1995, p.19). By so doing CRS has served and supported the welfare of people with mental conditions and illnesses and thus improving their wellness in the society. It also monitors their progress in their areas of work identifying any work related problems they are encountering and giving appropriate solutions and guidelines on how to tackle them. The act of seeking employment for them or the endeavors to sustain their employment ensu res they are empowered to take care of themselves and this gives them morale. It also serves to curtail any form of discrimination that may exist in job acquisition process and thus upholding the rights of the consumers as described by the UN principles for the protection of people who are mentally handicapped. The third standard for mental health services is concerned with ensuring the consumer of mental health services and their carers are involved in the processes of planning of the mental health service being provided (Commonwealth Department of Health Aged Care, 1997, p. 19). Also, it ensures that they actively participate in the implementation and evaluation of the services provided. CRS Australia is tasked with provision of interventional measures both at the early stages and later after the injuries have occurred. It provides a platform where the consumers are involved giving their views on where they think should be improved so as to reduce their levels of mental stress (Wade, Weir, 1995, p.99). The job seekers are taken through counseling sessions where their views are sought so as to help them find solutions to their problems. In the work places, the people under these services are also asked to provide their opinions on how to reduce the mental injuries that they are suffering from. They give their opinions which are then incorporated with policy guidelines to come up with in born solutions to the health problems. The consumers are in a position to feel as part of the solution to their problems and hence are able to adhere to the recommendations that come up (Andrews, Peters Teesson, 1994, p.30). The MHS offered by the CRS is inclusive and supports a number of activities for both the consumers and the cares. It has evaluation criteria for the consumers to determine the level of support that they are able to acquire and what is needed to improve their conditions in a much better way (Rapp, 1998, p.79). In addition to these, CRS is able to provide trainings to the consumers on how to improve their workplaces in order to reduce physical mental injuries which can heighten their problems. Employers do seek the services of CRS in promoting work safety measures through the trainings they offer. CRS is also able to monitor the progress it has made in ensuring equal opportunities for all in employment. In its efforts it is able to make workplace visits to assess the progress of the employees they are able to send to the various institutions (Rapp Goscha, 2006, p.101). In case any deviation from the principles is noticed it offers appropriate guidelines in order to protect the rights of people with mental disabilities. Conclusion In conclusion, CRS Australia has been instrumental in assisting people with mental disabilities or injuries to secure a place in employment and consequently be in a position to maintain their places. The organization has been able to attain the specifications of the Australian government and the private sector in providing mental injury management, assessment and any other measures intended for prevention of mental injuries (Australian Council on Healthcare Standardsà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢ Care Evaluation Program, 1995, p.50). CRS has been able to be in a position to attain the standards set for mental health services. With an emphasis to standard one which is concerned with ensuring equal rights to people with mental disorders and problems. By offering employment chances to the mentally handicapped, CRS is able to ensure the mentally handicapped are not discriminated when it comes to employment. This has served to empower the mentally ill patients. They thus are able to c are for themselves and reduce their over reliance on their carers for financial and wellbeing help. CRS is also able to attain the standard number three of ensuring that the consumers and their carers are involved in the mental health service. CRS is therefore effective in provision of mental health service especially in offering employment.

She Held The Piece Of Paper And Looked At Me :: essays research papers

Jackie stared at the piece of paper with trembling hands and then back at me, her eyes danced uncontrollably with joy. Elated, she held onto the letter tenaciously and ran around the room in a frenzied madness. "Grandfather Morgan, is dead!" she proclaimed, her pale arms gesticulated wildly as she re-read short extracts from my grandfather's lawyer's letter in her formal tone, which was occasionally punctuated by short bursts of laughter. "He's dead," together, we proclaimed again and again in jubilation. Dressed in a somber suit to disguise our euphoric hearts, Jackie and I rushed to grandfather's opulent mansion, which was perched on the outskirts of Nome, a small district with big people. We entered the mansion only to be welcomed by wailing relatives who had suddenly remembered grandfather only after he had passed on. After a short sermon we gathered around the teak coffin to say our final farewells to Morgan. Eventually, Jackie strolled towards the coffin, bent down and kissed grandfather's ashen cheeks and hissed into his ears, "So glad you finally decided to die, old man, and you had better left me something worthwhile," Finally, we entered a glumly lit room filled with excited chatter. Obviously, they were all vying for Morgan's coveted treasures. This was the moment we were all eagerly awaiting; the will was going to be read .A scrawny lawyer hobbled into the room, sat on the leather sofa and loosened his strangling tie. Clearing his throat he fumbled for his reading glasses as he peered at us through his milky green eyes. Flashing a conspitoral smile, he started to read Morgan's will in a hoarse voice. After rambling on and on about what other relatives were to be given, he finally reached Jackie's name. " Lastly, to my loving granddaughter, Jacqueline, the one whom I had always doted upon, will be given the family heirloom." "What?" Jackie screeched in utter dismay. Immediately, she sprang up and rushed towards the will. Grabbing the yellowed paper from the bedlam lawyer, Jackie read the will again. Shaking her curly locks in disbelief she wailed, "It cannot be, I served him for so long and I end up with a worthless piece of junk." " Madam, you must understand that your grandfather's ring was worth much more to him than just money itself, he would expected you of all people to understand this, "the lawyer meekly retorted.

Characterization, Theme, and Imagery of Ray Bradburys The Pedestrian :: Ray Bradbury, The Pedestrian

Two Works Cited Mankind has made great leaps toward progress with inventions like the television. However, as children give up reading and playing outdoors to plug into the television set, one might wonder whether it is progress or regression. In "The Pedestrian," Ray Bradbury has chosen to make a statement on the effects of these improvements. Through characterization and imagery, he shows that if mankind advances to the point where society loses its humanity, then mankind may as well cease to exist. Bradbury has elected to reflect the humanity of mankind in the character of Mr. Mead. First of all, Mr. Mead is associated with warm, bright light, which is symbolic of soul. If, during his night walks, people are alerted to his presence, "lights ... click on" (104). In essence, the embodiment of humanity is about. Mr. Mead's house beams "loud yellow illumination" (105). Since literature not only records the history of mankind but also evokes deep feeling among men, it brings this occupation close to the heart of humanity. Third, Mr. Mead is close to nature. Something as simple as taking a walk is "what Mr. Leonard Mead most dearly loved to do" (104). Man is most human when surrounded by the elements. Also, Mr. Mead's shadow is described as the "shadow of a hawk," relating him to a wild and free-spirited bird (104). Last, Mr. Mead is brought into a parallel with the most tender and human holiday observed in the western world when the rush of cold air makes his lungs "blaze like a Chr istmas tree" (104). The combination of these elements makes Mr. Mead a true representative of humanity. As a contrast to the humanity portrayed by Mr. Mead, Bradbury has mirrored the characteristics of progress in the police car. The car, as well as Mr. Mead, is associated with light. The light of the car, however, displays the absence of humanity. Rather than the "warm" light of Mr. Mead, the car possesses a "fierce" and "fiery" light that holds humanity "fixed" like a "museum specimen"--something from the past that should be looked at behind an impersonal plate of glass (105-06). When not holding humanity captive, the car's lights revert to "flashing ... dim lights," showing the absence of any real soul (106). The car is representative of several modern inventions, thereby embodying mankind's advancement. It is itself a robot, and it speaks in a "phonograph voice" through a "radio throat" (105-06). Characterization, Theme, and Imagery of Ray Bradbury's The Pedestrian :: Ray Bradbury, The Pedestrian Two Works Cited Mankind has made great leaps toward progress with inventions like the television. However, as children give up reading and playing outdoors to plug into the television set, one might wonder whether it is progress or regression. In "The Pedestrian," Ray Bradbury has chosen to make a statement on the effects of these improvements. Through characterization and imagery, he shows that if mankind advances to the point where society loses its humanity, then mankind may as well cease to exist. Bradbury has elected to reflect the humanity of mankind in the character of Mr. Mead. First of all, Mr. Mead is associated with warm, bright light, which is symbolic of soul. If, during his night walks, people are alerted to his presence, "lights ... click on" (104). In essence, the embodiment of humanity is about. Mr. Mead's house beams "loud yellow illumination" (105). Since literature not only records the history of mankind but also evokes deep feeling among men, it brings this occupation close to the heart of humanity. Third, Mr. Mead is close to nature. Something as simple as taking a walk is "what Mr. Leonard Mead most dearly loved to do" (104). Man is most human when surrounded by the elements. Also, Mr. Mead's shadow is described as the "shadow of a hawk," relating him to a wild and free-spirited bird (104). Last, Mr. Mead is brought into a parallel with the most tender and human holiday observed in the western world when the rush of cold air makes his lungs "blaze like a Chr istmas tree" (104). The combination of these elements makes Mr. Mead a true representative of humanity. As a contrast to the humanity portrayed by Mr. Mead, Bradbury has mirrored the characteristics of progress in the police car. The car, as well as Mr. Mead, is associated with light. The light of the car, however, displays the absence of humanity. Rather than the "warm" light of Mr. Mead, the car possesses a "fierce" and "fiery" light that holds humanity "fixed" like a "museum specimen"--something from the past that should be looked at behind an impersonal plate of glass (105-06). When not holding humanity captive, the car's lights revert to "flashing ... dim lights," showing the absence of any real soul (106). The car is representative of several modern inventions, thereby embodying mankind's advancement. It is itself a robot, and it speaks in a "phonograph voice" through a "radio throat" (105-06).

moralant Divine Law vs. Human Law in Sophocles Antigone :: Antigone essays

Antigone: Divine Law vs. Human Law The play entitled Antigone was written by a man named Sophocles, a scholarly author of philosophy and logic. The play Antigone is probably one of the most prominent interpretations of a tragic drama. The two main characters of the play are Antigone and Creon. There is much conflict between Antigone and Creon throughout the play, both of them having their own ideas and opinions regarding divine law versus human law. The theme that I am going to analyze is the conflict of divine law vs. human law. The reason for this is because this theme seems to control the whole play. It is an issue of which law is the "right" law, and if Creon's and Antigone's acts were justifiable. The play Antigone can be summarized by the following: King Creon lets it be known that Polyneices the traitor is not to be buried, but his sister Antigone defies the order because of the values she holds. She is caught, and sentenced by Creon to be buried alive - even though she is to be married to his son Haemon. After the blind prophet Tiresias proves that the gods are on Antigone's side, Creon changes his mind - but too late. He goes first to bury Polyneices, but Antigone has already hanged herself. When Creon arrives at the tomb, Haemon attacks him and then kills himself. When the news of their death is reported, Creon's wife Eurydice takes her own life. Creon ends up being all alone due to the fact that his family members took their own lives. Creon blames himself for all of these tragedies occurring, mainly because it was his wrong doings that caused them. The concept of divine law can be described as the law of God. Divine law involves morals and beliefs that are presented by God. Charles Segal describes the idea of divine law as being the "unwritten laws of the Gods" (Sophocles 64). This type of law is most likely in effect when the idea of morals are apparent, such as when a moral decision must be made. This type of decision would probably be considered right or wrong. Divine law is not only in decisions, but also in the everyday actions of people. Things that are morally "right" are in accordance with the law of God, while things that are morally "wrong" tend to be actions that go against the law of God.

Leaf Water Repellency

Cloud forests are characterized by photosynthetic capacity which may be increased by reduced water retention of the leaf. The reason is that carbon dioxide diffuse air faster than water. The article â€Å"Leaf Water Repellency as an Adaptation to Tropical Montane Cloud Forest Environment† by Curtis D. Holder examines lead water repellency in three ecosystems of Guatemala: a tropical dry forest, tropical montane cloud forest and temperate foothills-grassland zone. The author’s hypothesis that cloud forest zones are characterized by higher leaf water repellency failed to be proved as leaf water repellency appeared to be higher in tropical dry forests and temperate foothills- grassland zone. Water repellency is defined as adaptation on the surface of the leaf in habitants which are constantly subjected to daily precipitations during the period of active growth. Holder assumes that leaf water repellency is lower in open-meadow habitants than in dry forest habitants simply because dew formations are occurring faster. Moreover, water repellency of any leaf is driven, primarily, by physiological factors. In wet zones the plants are claimed to be selected due to their water shedding abilities as they have to able to defend their stomatal pores and to enhance photosynthesis abilities after fog interception. Decrease in water repellency may result in increased disease rates, although it doesn’t affect selective traits. Holder argues that it is natural selection that predetermined water repellency on leaf surface in cloud forest zones. Fog droplets negatively affect water repellency as they prevent gas exchange in plants. In such a way, photosynthetic carbon exchange is prevented by fog droplets as carbon dioxide diffuse air faster than water. Leaves with high water repellency minimize the leaf surface and promote the beading of water assisting gas exchange processes. In cloud forest zones, high leaf water repellency increase photosynthesis efficiency. Holder stresses that leaf water repellency â€Å"is measured by calculating the contact angle between a droplet of water and leaf surface†. (p.767) As it is mentioned above, the paper examines three distinct areas and central thesis is that high water repellency is inherent for plants in cloud forest zones as plants are more able to maximize photosynthesis and gas exchange process. Three areas were chosen to test leaf water repellency: Sierra de la Minas, Chiquimula and Colorado. Firstly, leaf water repellency was testified near Sierra de la Minas in lower cloud forest zone. This region is characterized by humid slopes on the windward side and, consequently, slopes on the leeward side. Strong northern winds are prevailing in that region. Night temperatures are about 5-15 degrees all year round. Also, Sierra de la Minas is characterized by variable precipitation – rainy season is observed from May till October. Fogs are more common in dry season, rather than in wet one. Secondly, leaf water repellency was examined in Chiquimula which is situated in 75 km from Sierra de la Minas. Leaves were tested on the leeward side of the region and were selected from dry forests. The precipitation rate is 1050 mm occurring from May till October. The temperature range is 22-26 degrees. Thirdly, water repellency was tested in leaves in Colorado, in particular, near the campus of the University of Colorado. Mainly, Colorado is temperate foothills-grassland zone. Selected species are dormant plants tested in the coldest months. Summing up, all species were chosen from the three distinct regions as they had managed to survive to maturity in their climatic conditions. Researches gathered only leaves which received equal amount of sun light and shade as it would allow more accurate examination. Leaves were dried with filter paper and than were fastened to a wood platform to view the horizontal profile of the leaf. The test aimed at identifying the differences between adaxial and abaxial sides of the leaf in terms of water repellency. Holder specifies that â€Å"in the experimental design using nested analysis of variance, species were nested within study sites, leaves were nested within species, and leaf surfaces were nested within leaves†. (p769) The results contradict the initial hypothesis and showed that as leaf water repellency appeared to be higher in tropical dry forests, not in cloud forest ecosystem. Species chosen from Sierra de la Minas region appeared to have the lowest water repellency, whereas species retrieved near the University of Colorado proved to have the highest water repellency. The leaf water repellency appeared to be significantly different in the three distinct regions. Sierra de la Minas’ species differed from those in Colorado and Chiquimula, and water repellency in Chiquimula differed from that in Sierra de la Minas and Colorado. It proves that leaves in different climatic zones can’t have similar water repellency as they have different levels of adaptations. Holder stresses that cloud forests are characterized by reduced capabilities to photosynthesis because of abaxial leaf wetness and constant cloud cover not letting the sun in. Therefore, leaves in this region should develop adaptation capabilities as it would allow maximizing photosynthesis processes in the most humid regions. In cloud forests the productivity of ecosystems is limited. The author concludes that, despite his expectancies, cloud forests aren’t characterized by high leaf water repellency and, therefore, leaves are less able to minimize the water content on their surfaces. As a result, photosynthesis is decreased.   Higher leaf water repellency in Chiquimula and Colorado is related to increased soil moisture and water balance in plants. High water repellency may increase fog precipitation and flow of steam leading to greater hydrological inputs. Summing up, leaf water repellency is plays crucial role in hydrological processes. References Holder, Curtis D. (2007). Leaf Water Repellency as an Adaptation to Tropical Montane Cloud Forest Environment. Biotropica, 39, 6, 767-770.      

Frostbite Chapter 18

Eighteen THE HIGH HEELS WERE STARTING to hurt me, so I took them off when I went back inside, walking barefoot through the lodge. I hadn't been to Mason's room, but I remembered him mentioning the number once and found it without difficulty. Shane, Mason's roommate, opened the door a few moments after I knocked. â€Å"Hey, Rose.† He stepped aside for me, and I walked in, peering around. Some infomercial was playing on the TV- one downside of a nocturnal life was a shortage of good programming- and empty soda cans covered nearly every flat surface. There was no sign of Mason anywhere. â€Å"Where is he?† I asked. Shane stifled a yawn. â€Å"I thought he was with you.† â€Å"I haven't seen him all day.† He yawned again, then frowned in thought. â€Å"He was throwing some stuff in a bag earlier. I figured you guys were running off for some crazy romantic getaway. Picnic or something. Hey, nice dress.† â€Å"Thanks,† I murmured, feeling a frown of my own coming on. Packing a bag? That didn't make any sense. There was nowhere to go. There was no way to go, either. This resort was as tightly guarded as the Academy. Lissa and I had only managed to break out of that place with compulsion, and it had still been a pain in the ass. Yet, why on earth would Mason pack a bag if he wasn't leaving? I asked Shane a few more questions and decided to follow up on the possibility, crazy as it seemed. I found the guardian in charge of security and scheduling. He gave me the names of those guardians who'd been on duty around the resort's borders when Mason had last been seen. Most of the names I knew, and most were off duty now, making them easy to find. Unfortunately, the first couple hadn't seen Mason around today. When they asked why I wanted to know, I gave vague answers and hurried off. The third person on my list was a guy named Alan, a guardian who usually worked the Academy's lower campus. He was just coming in after skiing, taking his equipment off near the door. Recognizing me, he smiled as I approached. â€Å"Sure, I saw him,† he said, bending down to his boots. Relief flooded over me. Until then, I hadn't realized how worried I'd been. â€Å"Do you know where he is?† â€Å"Nope. Let him and Eddie Castile†¦and, what's her name, the Rinaldi girl, out through the north gate and didn't see them after that.† I stared. Alan continued unhooking his skis as though we were discussing slope conditions. â€Å"You let Mason and Eddie †¦ and Mia out?† â€Å"Yup.† â€Å"Um †¦ why?† He finished and looked back up at me, a kind of happy and bemused look on his face. â€Å"Because they asked me.† An icy feeling started creeping through me. I found out which guardian had watched the north gate with Alan and immediately sought him out. That guardian gave me the same response. He'd let Mason, Eddie, and Mia out, no questions asked. And, like Alan, he didn't seem to think there was anything wrong with that. He appeared almost dazed. It was a look I'd seen before †¦ a look that came over people when Lissa used compulsion. In particular, I'd seen it happen when Lissa didn't want people to remember something very well. She could bury the memory in them, either erasing it all together or planting it for later. She was so good at compulsion, though, that she could just make people forget completely. For them to still have some memories meant someone who wasn't as good at compulsion had worked on them. Someone, say, like Mia. I wasn't the fainting type, but for just a moment, I felt like I could keel over. The world spun, and I closed my eyes and took a deep breath. When I could see again, my surroundings stayed stable. Okay. No problem. I would reason this out. Mason, Eddie, and Mia had left the resort earlier today. Not only that, they had done it by using compulsion- which was utterly forbidden. They hadn't told anyone. They'd left through the north gate. I'd seen a map of the resort. The north gate guarded a driveway that connected to the only semi-major road in the area, a small highway that led to a little town about twelve miles away. The town Mason had mentioned that had buses. To Spokane. Spokane- where this traveling pack of Strigoi and their humans might be living. Spokane- where Mason could fulfill all his crazy dreams of slaying Strigoi. Spokane- which he only knew about because of me. â€Å"No, no, no,† I murmured to myself, almost running toward my room. There, I stripped off the dress and changed into heavy winter clothes: boots, jeans, and a sweater. Grabbing my coat and gloves, I hurried back toward the door and then paused. I was acting without thinking. What was I actually going to do? I needed to tell someone, obviously†¦but that would get the trio in a lot of trouble. It would also tip Dimitri off that I'd gone and gossiped about the Spokane Strigoi information he'd told me in confidence as a sign of respecting my maturity. I studied the time. It would take a while for anyone around the resort to know we were missing. If I could actually get out of the resort. A few minutes later, I found myself knocking on Christian's door. He answered, looking sleepy and cynical as usual. â€Å"If you've come to apologize for her,† he told me loftily, â€Å"you can just go ahead and- â€Å" â€Å"Oh, shut up,† I snapped. â€Å"This isn't about you.† Hastily, I relayed the details of what was going on. Even Christian didn't have a witty response for that one. â€Å"So†¦Mason, Eddie, and Mia went to Spokane to hunt Strigoi?† â€Å"Yes.† â€Å"Holy shit. Why didn't you go with them? Seems like something you'd do.† I resisted the urge to smack him. â€Å"Because I'm not insane! But I'm going to go get them before they do something even stupider.† That was when Christian caught on. â€Å"And what do you need from me?† â€Å"I need to get off the resort's property. They got Mia to use compulsion on the guards. I need you to do the same thing. I know you've practiced it.† â€Å"I have,† he agreed. â€Å"But†¦well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  For the first time ever, he looked embarrassed. â€Å"I'm not very good at it. And doing it on dhampirs is nearly impossible. Liss is a hundred times better than me. Or probably any Moroi.† â€Å"I know. But I don't want her to get in trouble.† He snorted. â€Å"But you don't mind if I do?† I shrugged. â€Å"Not really.† â€Å"You're a piece of work, you know that?† â€Å"Yeah. I do, actually.† So, five minutes later, he and I found ourselves trekking out to the north gate. The sun was coming up, so most everyone was inside. This was a good thing, and I hoped it'd make our escape that much easier. Stupid, stupid, I kept thinking. This was going to blow up in our faces. Why had Mason done this? I knew he'd had this whole crazy vigilante attitude†¦and he'd certainly seemed upset that the guardians hadn't done anything about the recent attack. But still. Was he really that unhinged? He had to know how dangerous this was. Was it possible†¦was it possible I'd upset him so much with the making-out disaster that he'd gone off the deep end? Enough to go do this and get Mia and Eddie to join him? Not that those two would be hard to convince. Eddie would follow Mason anywhere, and Mia was almost as gung ho as Mason to kill every Strigoi in the world. Yet, out of all the questions I had about this, one thing was definitely clear. I'd told Mason about the Strigoi in Spokane. Hands down, this was my fault, and without me, none of this would have happened. â€Å"Lissa always makes eye contact,† I coached Christian as we approached the exit. â€Å"And speaks in a really, like, calm voice. I don't know what else. I mean, she concentrates a lot too, so try that. Focus on forcing your will on them.† â€Å"I know,† he snapped. â€Å"I've seen her do it.† â€Å"Fine,† I snapped back. â€Å"Just trying to help.† Squinting, I saw that only one guardian stood at the gate, a total stroke of luck. They were in between shifts. With the sun out, the risk of Strigoi had disappeared. The guardians would still continue in their duties, but they could relax just a bit. The guy on duty didn't seem particularly alarmed by our appearance. â€Å"What are you kids doing out here?† Christian swallowed. I could see the lines of tension on his face. â€Å"You're going to let us out of the gate,† he said. A note of nervousness made his voice tremble, but otherwise, he did a fair approximation of Lissa's soothing tones. Unfortunately, it had no effect on the guardian. As Christian had pointed out, using compulsion on a guardian was nearly impossible. Mia had gotten lucky. The guardian grinned at us. â€Å"What?† he asked, clearly amused. Christian tried again. â€Å"You're going to let us out.† The guy's smile faltered just a little, and I saw him blink in surprise. His eyes didn't glaze over in the same way Lissa's victims did, but Christian had done enough to briefly enthrall him. Unfortunately, I could tell right then and there that it wouldn't be enough to make him let us out and forget. Fortunately, I'd been trained to compel people without the use of magic. Sitting near his post was an enormous Maglite, two feet long and easily seven pounds. I grabbed the Maglite and clocked him on the back of the head. He grunted and crumpled to the ground. He'd barely seen me coming, and despite the horribleness of what I'd just done, I kind of wished one of my instructors had been there to grade me on such an awesome performance. â€Å"Jesus Christ,† exclaimed Christian. â€Å"You just assaulted a guardian.† â€Å"Yeah.† So much for getting the guys back without getting anyone in trouble. â€Å"I didn't know just how much you sucked at compulsion. I'll deal with the fallout later. Thanks for your help. You should head back before the next shift comes on.† He shook his head and grimaced. â€Å"No, I'm going with you on this.† â€Å"No,† I argued. â€Å"I only needed you to get through the gate. You don't have to get in trouble over this.† â€Å"I'm already in trouble!† He pointed at the guardian. â€Å"He saw my face. I'm screwed either way, so I might as well help you save the day. Stop being a bitch for a change.† We hurried off, and I cast one last, guilty glance at the guardian. I was pretty sure I hadn't hit him hard enough to cause real damage, and with the sun coming out, he wouldn't freeze or anything. After about five minutes of walking down the highway, I knew we had a problem. Despite being covered and wearing sunglasses, the sun was taking its toll on Christian. It was slowing us down, and it wouldn't take that long for someone to find the guardian I'd taken out and come after us. A car- not one of the Academy's- appeared behind us, and I made a decision. I didn't approve of hitchhiking in the least. Even someone like me knew how dangerous it was. But we needed to get to town fast, and I prayed Christian and I could take down any creepy stalker guy who tried to mess with us. Fortunately, when the car pulled over, it was just a middle-aged couple who looked more concerned than anything else. â€Å"You kids okay?† I jerked my thumb behind me. â€Å"Our car slid off the road. Can you take us to town so I can call my dad?† It worked. Fifteen minutes later, they dropped us off at a gas station. I actually had trouble getting rid of them because they wanted to help us so much. Finally, we convinced them we'd be fine, and we walked the few blocks over to the bus station. As I'd suspected, this town wasn't much of a hub for real travel. Three lines serviced the town: two that went to other ski resorts and one that went to Lowston, Idaho. From Lowston, you could go on to other places. I'd half-hoped that we might beat Mason and the others before their bus came. Then we could have hauled them back without any trouble. Unfortunately, there was no sign of them. The cheery woman at the counter knew exactly who we were talking about, too. She confirmed that all three of them had bought tickets to Spokane by way of Lowston. â€Å"Damn it,† I said. The woman raised her eyebrows at my language. I turned to Christian. â€Å"You got money for the bus?† Christian and I didn't talk much along the way, except for me to tell him he'd been an idiot about Lissa and Adrian. By the time we reached Lowston, I finally had him convinced, which was a minor miracle. He slept the rest of the way to Spokane, but I couldn't. I just kept thinking over and over that this was my fault. It was late afternoon by the time we reached Spokane. It took a few people, but we finally found someone who knew the shopping center Dimitri had mentioned. It was a long ways from the bus station, but it was walkable. My legs were stiff after almost five hours of riding a bus, and I wanted the movement. The sun was a while from setting, but it was lower and less detrimental to vampires, so Christian didn't mind the walk either. And, as often happened when I was in calm settings, I felt a tug into Lissa's head. I let myself fall into her because I wanted to know what was happening back at the resort. â€Å"I know you want to protect them, but we need to know where they are.† Lissa sat on the bed in our room while Dimitri and my mom stared her down. It was Dimitri who had spoken. Seeing him through her eyes was interesting. She had a fond respect for him, very different from the intense roller coaster of emotions I always experienced. â€Å"I told you,† said Lissa, â€Å"I don't know. I don't know what happened.† Frustration and fear for us burned through her. It saddened me to see her so anxious, but at the same time, I was glad I hadn't gotten her involved. She couldn't report what she didn't know. â€Å"I can't believe they wouldn't have told you where they were going,† said my mother. Her words sounded flat, but there were lines of worry on her face. â€Å"Especially with your†¦bond.† â€Å"It only works one way,† said Lissa sadly. â€Å"You know that.† Dimitri knelt down so he could be at Lissa's height and look her in the eye. He pretty much had to do that to look anyone in the eye. â€Å"Are you sure there's nothing? Nothing at all you can tell us? They're nowhere in town. The man at the bus station didn't see them †¦ though we're pretty sure that's where they must have gone. We need something, anything to go on.† Man at the bus station? That was another stroke of luck. The woman who'd sold us the tickets must have gone home. Her replacement wouldn't know us. Lissa gritted her teeth and glared. â€Å"Don't you think if I knew, I'd tell you? You don't think I'm worried about them too? I have no idea where they are. None. And why'd they even leave†¦ it doesn't make any sense either. Especially why they'd go with Mia, of all people.† A twinge of hurt flickered through the bond, hurt at being left out of whatever we were doing, no matter how wrong. Dimitri sighed and leaned back on his heels. From the look on his face, he obviously believed her. It was also obvious that he was worried- worried in more than a professional way. And seeing that concern- that concern for me- ate up my heart. â€Å"Rose?† Christian's voice brought me back to myself. â€Å"We're here, I think.† The plaza consisted of a wide, open area in front of a shopping center. A caf? ¦ was carved into a corner of the main building, its tables spilling out into the open area. A crowd moved in and out of the complex, busy even at this time of the day. â€Å"So, how do we find them?† asked Christian. I shrugged. â€Å"Maybe if we act like Strigoi, they'll try to stake us.† A small, reluctant smile played over his face. He didn't want to admit it, but he'd thought my joke was funny. He and I went inside. Like any mall, it was filled with familiar chains, and a selfish part of me thought that maybe if we found the group soon enough, we could still get in shopping time. Christian and I walked the length of it twice and saw no signs of our friends or anything resembling tunnels. â€Å"Maybe we're in the wrong place,† I finally said. â€Å"Or maybe they are,† suggested Christian. â€Å"They could have gone to some other- wait.† He pointed, and I followed the gesture. The three renegades sat at a table in the middle of the food court, looking dejected. They looked so miserable, I almost felt sorry for them. â€Å"I'd kill for a camera right now,† said Christian, smirking. â€Å"This isn't funny,† I told him, striding toward the group. Inside, I breathed a sigh of relief. The group clearly hadn't found any Strigoi, were all still alive, and could maybe be taken back before we got in even more trouble. They didn't notice me until I was almost right next to them. Eddie's head jerked up. â€Å"Rose? What are you doing here?† â€Å"Are you out of your mind?† I yelled. A few people nearby gave us surprised looks. â€Å"Do you know how much trouble you're in? How much trouble you've gotten us in?† â€Å"How the hell did you find us?† asked Mason in a low voice, glancing anxiously around. â€Å"You guys aren't exactly criminal masterminds,† I told them. â€Å"Your informant at the bus station gave you away. That, and I figured out that you'd want to go off on your pointless Strigoi-hunting quest.† The look Mason gave me revealed he still wasn't entirely happy with me. It was Mia who replied, however. â€Å"It isn't pointless.† â€Å"Oh?† I demanded. â€Å"Did you kill any Strigoi? Did you even find any?† â€Å"No,† admitted Eddie. â€Å"Good,† I said. â€Å"You got lucky.† â€Å"Why are you so against killing Strigoi?† asked Mia hotly. â€Å"Isn't that what you train for?† â€Å"I train for sane missions, not childish stunts like this.† â€Å"It isn't childish,† she cried. â€Å"They killed my mother. And the guardians weren't doing anything. Even their information is bad. There weren't any Strigoi in the tunnels. Probably none in the whole city.† Christian looked impressed. â€Å"You found the tunnels?† â€Å"Yeah,† said Eddie. â€Å"But like she said, they were useless.† â€Å"We should see them before we go,† Christian told me. â€Å"It'd be kind of cool, and if the data was bad, there's no danger.† â€Å"No,† I snapped. â€Å"We're going home. Now.† Mason looked tired. â€Å"We're going to search the city again. Even you can't make us go back, Rose.† â€Å"No, but the school's guardians can when I call and tell them you're here.† Call it blackmailing or being a tattletale; the effect was the same. The three of them looked at me like I had just simultaneously gut-punched them all. â€Å"You'd really do that?† asked Mason. â€Å"You'd sell us out like that?† I rubbed my eyes, wondering desperately why I was trying to be the voice of reason here. Where was the girl who'd run away from school? Mason had been right. I had changed. â€Å"This isn't about selling anyone out. This is about keeping you guys alive.† â€Å"You think we're that defenseless?† asked Mia. â€Å"You think we'd get killed right away?† â€Å"Yes,† I said. â€Å"Unless you've found some way to use water as a weapon?† She flushed and didn't say anything. â€Å"We brought silver stakes,† said Eddie. Fantastic. They must have stolen them. I looked at Mason pleadingly. â€Å"Mason. Please. Call this off. Let's go back.† He looked at me for a long time. Finally, he sighed. â€Å"Okay.† Eddie and Mia looked aghast, but Mason had assumed a leadership role with them, and they didn't have the initiative to go on without him. Mia seemed to take it the hardest, and I felt bad for her. She'd barely had any real time to grieve for her mother; she'd just jumped right on board with this revenge thing as a way to cope with the pain. She'd have a lot to deal with when we got back. Christian was still excited about the idea of the underground tunnels. Considering he spent all his time in an attic, I shouldn't have been all that surprised. â€Å"I saw the schedule,† he told me. â€Å"We've got a while before the next bus.† â€Å"We can't go walking into some Strigoi lair,† I argued, walking toward the mall's entrance. â€Å"There are no Strigoi there,† said Mason. â€Å"It's seriously all janitorial stuff. There was no sign of anything weird. I really do think the guardians had bad information.† â€Å"Rose,† said Christian, â€Å"let's get something fun out of this.† They all looked at me. I felt like a mom who wouldn't buy her kids candy at the grocery store. â€Å"Okay, fine. Just a peek, though.† The others led Christian and me to the opposite end of the mall, through a door marked staff only. We dodged a couple of janitors, then slipped through another door that led us to a set of stairs going down. I had a brief moment of d? ¦j? ¤ vu, recalling the steps down to Adrian's spa party. Only these stairs were dirtier and smelled pretty nasty. We reached the bottom. It wasn't so much a tunnel as a narrow corridor, lined in grime-caked cement. Ugly fluorescent lights were embedded sporadically along the walls. The passage went off to our left and right. Boxes of ordinary cleaning and electrical supplies sat around. â€Å"See?† said Mason. â€Å"Boring.† I pointed in each direction. â€Å"What's down there?† â€Å"Nothing,† sighed Mia. â€Å"We'll show you.† We walked down to the right and found more of the same. I was starting to agree with the boring assessment when we passed some black writing on one of the walls. I stopped and looked at it. It was a list of letters. D B C O T D V L D Z S I Some had lines and x marks next to them, but for the most part the message was incoherent. Mia noticed my scrutiny. â€Å"It's probably a janitor thing,† she said. â€Å"Or maybe some gang did it.† â€Å"Probably,† I said, still studying it. The others shifted restlessly, not understanding my fascination with the jumble of letters. I didn't understand my fascination either, but something in my head tugged at me to stay. Then I got it. B for Badica, Z for Zeklos, I for Ivashkov †¦ I stared. The first letter of every royal family's name was there. There were three D names, but based on the order, you could actually read the list as a size ranking. It started with the smaller families- Dragomir, Badica, Conta- and went all the way up to the giant Ivashkov clan. I didn't understand the dashes and lines beside the letters, but I quickly noticed which names had an x beside them: Badica and Drozdov. I stepped back from the wall. â€Å"We have to get out of here,† I said. My own voice scared me a little. â€Å"Right now.† The others looked at me in surprise. â€Å"Why?† asked Eddie. â€Å"What's going on?† â€Å"I'll tell you later. We just need to go.† Mason pointed in the direction we'd been heading. â€Å"This lets out a few blocks away. It's closer to the station.† I peered down into the dark unknown. â€Å"No,† I said. â€Å"We're going back the way we came.† They all looked at me like I was insane as we retraced our steps, but nobody questioned me yet. When we emerged from the mall's front, I breathed a sigh of relief to see that the sun was still out, though it was steadily sinking into the horizon and casting orange and red light onto the buildings. The remaining light would still be enough for us to get back to the bus station before we were really in any danger of seeing Strigoi. And I knew now that there really were Strigoi in Spokane. Dimitri's information had been correct. I didn't know what the list meant, but it clearly had something to do with the attacks. I needed to report it to the other guardians immediately, and I certainly couldn't tell the others what I'd realized until we were safely at the lodge. Mason was likely to go back into the tunnels if he knew what I did. Most of our walk back to the station proceeded in silence. I think my mood had cowed the others. Even Christian seemed to have run out of snide comments. Inside, my emotions swirled, oscillating between anger and guilt as I kept reexamining my role in everything. Ahead of me, Eddie stopped walking, and I nearly ran into him. He looked around. â€Å"Where are we?† Snapping out of my own thoughts, I surveyed the area too. I didn't remember these buildings. â€Å"Damn it,† I exclaimed. â€Å"Are we lost? Didn't anyone keep track of which way we went?† It was an unfair question since I clearly hadn't paid attention either, but my temper had pushed me past reason. Mason studied me for a few moments, then pointed. â€Å"This way.† We turned and walked down a narrow street between two buildings. I didn't think we were going the right way, but I didn't really have a better idea. I also didn't want to stand around debating. We hadn't gone very far when I heard the sound of an engine and squealing tires. Mia was walking in the middle of the road, and protective conditioning kicked in before I even saw what was coming. Grabbing her, I jerked her out of the street and up against one of the building walls. The boys had done the same. A large, gray van with tinted windows had rounded the corner and was headed in our direction. We pressed flat against the wall, waiting for it to go past. Only it didn't. Screeching to a halt, it stopped right in front of us, and the doors slid open. Three big guys spilled out, and again, my instincts kicked in. I had no clue who they were or what they wanted, but they clearly weren't friendly. That was all I needed to know. One of them moved toward Christian, and I struck out and punched him. The guy barely staggered but was clearly surprised to have felt it at all, I think. He probably hadn't expected someone as small as me to be much of a threat. Ignoring Christian, he moved toward me. In my peripheral vision, I saw Mason and Eddie squaring off with the other two. Mason had actually pulled out his stolen silver stake. Mia and Christian stood there, frozen. Our attackers were relying a lot on bulk. They didn't have the sort of background we had in offensive and defensive techniques. Plus, they were human, and we had dhampir strength. Unfortunately, we also had the disadvantage of being cornered against the wall. We had nowhere to retreat to. Most importantly, we had something to lose. Like Mia. The guy who'd been sparring with Mason seemed to realize this. He backed off from Mason and instead grabbed her. I barely saw the flash of his gun before its barrel was pressed against her neck. Backing off from my own adversary, I yelled at Eddie to stop. We'd all been trained to respond instantly to those kinds of orders, and he halted his attack, glancing at me questioningly When he saw Mia, his face went pale. I wanted nothing more than to keep pummeling these men- whoever they were- but I couldn't risk this guy hurting Mia. He knew it, too. He didn't even have to make the threat. He was human, but he knew enough about us to know that we'd go out of our way to protect the Moroi. Novices had a saying grilled into us from an early age: Only they matter. Everyone stopped and looked between him and me. Apparently we were the acknowledged leaders here. â€Å"What do you want?† I asked harshly. The guy pressed his gun closer to Mia's neck, and she whimpered. For all her talk about fighting, she was smaller than me and not nearly as strong. And she was too terrified to move. The man inclined his head toward the van's open door. â€Å"I want you to get inside. And don't start anything. You do, and she's gone.† I looked at Mia, the van, my other friends, and then back to the guy. Shit.